America is reeling with Thursday's revelations that Bush authorized domestic spying on Americans that does not conform to the legal requirements under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA). See, as one example, the discussion in the Dec. 20, 2005 New York Times, here.
This is a frightening moment in America's recent plunge into a world of limited civil liberties and expanding military presence across the globe and domestically. It is a Constitutional crisis of unprecedented proportions in our recent history--a president who claims that he is above the law in almost any area of contention, and whose military-corporatist chronies (including Cheney and the other neo-cons) are intent on establishing global hegemony and control of resources.
Remember that this new revelation comes on the heels of various situations where Bush already claims that the Constitutional authority as "commander-in-chief" of the armed forces provides extraordinary powers. This president has claimed that the power includes (i) rounding up thousands of people based on their ethnicity and deporting them in the aftermath of the September 11 attack, (ii) picking up American citizens on American soil engaged in ordinary activity and holding them for years in a military brig without access to counsel or family on the say-so of an executive who labels them as an "enemy combatant", (iii) permitting the military, in both Iraq and Afghanistan, to raid homes to gather in individuals, carry them off to prisons and holdthem for months without any due process, in a manner reminiscent of the dictator the military had presumably replaced, (iv) engage in covert propaganda abroad, including "buying" journalists and stories in Iraq (and possibly using those planted stories as justification for activities to people at home in the U.S.), (v) detaining people at Guantanamo as terrorists but offering no process--or, in some cases, only military-run tribunals--to contest the determination, (vi) permitting the military and intelligence agencies to develop a policy of leniency towards torture and murder at Guantanamo and at military prisons in Afghanistan and Iraq, and at "black site" prisons secretetd around the globe and operated outside the purview of Congressional oversight or knowledge of the American people, (vii) engaging in unprecedented instances of "extraordinary rendering" of suspects to foreign governments known for their use of torture for interrogation, upon the mere "promise" that there would be no torture, and (viii) authorizing and encouraging FBI spying on domestic organizations engaged in political dissent, such as Quakers and other anti-war organizations.
The Administration's feeble legal defense of its grab for power is amazingly short on substance. First, the Administration claims that the power of commander-in-chief of the armed forces authorizes the President to do whatever the person in that office considers necessary to "protect Americans." This is a bald assertion of dictatorial power. If the Commander-in-Chief power can be carried to authorize domestic spying on civilians without any judical check to substantiate even mere suspicion of improper activity, then it can authorize almost any action desired to be undertaken as long as there is some "war" involving U.S. forces going on somewhere around the globe. The purported "war" on terrorism provides a perfect foil for overreaching executive powers. The Administration has said that it expects the purported "war" on terrorism to be a near-permanent fixture. Under this analysis, near-dictatorial powers of the presidency would also be a near-permanent fixture, even though terrorists come and go for different reasons, from different states, with different targets.
Attorney General Gonzales, the person most concerned with protecting our cherished democratic heritage through upholding the laws of the land--including the separation of powers provisions of the Constitution--, has in fact turned out to be the most willing excuser of executive overreach. He played a role in the development of the "torture memos" that purported to provide legal cover to Administrative excesses in permitting cruel and inhumane treatment of detainees. Those memos twisted the language of the law to exempt from the definition of torture anything short of lethal injury and claimed that the Geneva Conventions, international law generally, and US law in particular didn't apply to those that the President deems to be "enemy combatants" on his mere say-so. Now, Attorney General Gonzales claims that Bush's actions authorizing abrogation of FISA was authorized by Congress because Congress passed a resolution authorizing the invasion of Agfhanistan with a "whereas" clause in the Preamble stating that "all necessary and appropriate force" should be used. As Senators Feingold, Reed and Levin pointedly noted in a press conference last night (televised on C-Span), this is grasping at straws. Settled law gives no affirmative legal authority to statutory preambles, and that settled law is even more clearly applicable here, where Congress's intent was clearly to authorize a military invasion of Afghanistan and not warrantless domestic spying on Americans.
Gonzales also claims the program is acceptable because it is "limited in scope" since eavesdropping is authorized only on international calls. The claimed limitation to just "some Americans" (those who make international calls) does nothing to assuage concerns. This argument is like claiming that residents of California shouldn't be concerned about illegal government searches and abrogation of civil liberties that only take place in, say, Alaska. It is a crass attempt to get Americans generally to accept loss of civil liberties so long as it appears to be limited to other people or other concerns. Free speech and free association rights are direly threatened: once any such unilateral executive power is accepted, it becomes easy to extend the "limited scope" to other groups.
Gonzales and Bush also claim that this action is adequately checked because some selected people in Congress had been informed. The idea that informing a few pre-selected members of Congress amounts to a proper check on executive power is ludicrous. Even those few informed (and we do not, of course, have a list but know that a number of members of concerned congressional committees were not informed) did not have enough information to evaluate the program. John D. Rockefeller IV released a handwritten letter sent to Cheney on July 17, 2003 complaining that he could not assess the program without being able to consult with staff or counsel, "much less endorse these activities." See id.
The Administration argues that it was necessary to avoid FISA and authorize executive wiretappings of American citizens because of the need for speed in responding to issues. Bush cited the changes in terrorism in the last few decades that make it necessary to respond to a "two-minute phone call." But FISA was enacted to expedite warrant processes through a special court, one that is even authorized to issue after-the-fact warrants in appropriate circumstances. many civil libertarians have complained that the FISA procedures already short-circuit necessary protections of civil liberties. In the thousands of instances of federal use of FISA authority, the court has only found a handful to be improper. The Administration made no effort to ask Congress to update FISA to deal with their purported concerns about lack of agility in responding to wiretap needs. Instead, the Administration decided to act contrary to the law that it is charged with enforcing! Perhaps the most ominous concept here is the view that the chief executive of the United States can unilaterially decide not to comply with a U.S. law merely because the executive branch considers it to be outdated.
The Justice Department has developed two legal memoranda outlining its case for the legality of the wiretap authorization. Id. Not unexpectedly for this highly secretive administration that shuns openness like a vampire shuns sunshine, Attorney General Gonzales refused to release those opinions. One has to wonder what reason there could be for withholding a well-argued legal opinion for supporting an unprecedented action that threatens to precipitate a Constitutional crisis. Could it be a suspicion that the arguments will be found by legal scholars around the country to be as flimsy and self-serving as the arguments made in support of contravening the Geneva Conventions on torture?